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critical review guided questions (social)


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critical review guided questions (social)

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PL2D101: Understanding & Researching Psychology: Developmental, Social and Individual Difference Perspectives

Critical Review – Social Psychology

Guided Questions: DaFranca and Monteiro (2013)

1) According to the authors, what is already known about prejudice in children & young people? Include a definition of the Aversive Racism Theory as part of your answer. (150 words)

2) How might social norms affect the expression of prejudice in children and adults? (300 words; hint you will probably need to read around the topic to answer this question effectively)

3) For study 1: Describe the measures used for reward allocation. How suitable were these for assessing the research aims and for the sample used? (100 words)

4) For study 1: What did the authors do to ensure consistency in stimulus photographs? What, if anything, should the authors have done differently and why? (100 words)

5) Complete the following table using the results for study 1 on pages 266 and the graphs on page 267 (approx 200 words):

What effect did target performance have on reward allocation? Include a verbal description of the findings and report the relevant statistics to support your answer.

What, if any, significant main effects were seen in the development of aversive racism? Explain any effects that are present and include statistics to show significant and non-significant main effects.

How do the authors test the significant three-way interaction and what does it show?

6) According to the authors, how will study 2 extend the findings or improve the methods of the first study? Do you think they are correct and why/why not? (100 words)

7) What similarities and differences are there between the results of study 2 and those of study 1? (approx 200 words)

8) What practical/real-world implications do the results of this research have? (approx 200 words)

9) If you could carry out one study to extend this research what research questions would you ask? How would you do it and why? (approx 200 words)

European Journal of Social Psychology, Eur. J. Soc. Psychol. 43, 263–271 (2013) Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/ejsp.1965

Special issue article

Social norms and the expression of prejudice: The development of aversive racism in childhood

DALILA XAVIER DE FRANÇA1* AND MARIA BENEDICTA MONTEIRO2

1 2

Federal University of Sergipe, Brazil; CIS-ISCTE, Lisbon University Institute, Portugal

Abstract

In Study 1, 82 White children aged 5–10years allocated rewards to White and Black target children in justified/unjustified normative contexts according to their performance on a previous task. In Study 2, 71 White children aged 5–10years allocated resources to White and Black target children in conditions of high (interviewer was present) or low (interviewer was absent) salience of the anti-racism norm. In both studies, younger children displayed intergroup biased racial behaviours in most conditions, whereas older children, as expected, only displayed similar egalitarian behaviours in contexts where an anti-racism normative pressure was not salient. Results of both experimental studies highlighted the interplay between child development, the anti-prejudice norm and context factors. Furthermore, they support the assumptions of the theory of aversive racism regarding the use of legitimizing justifications to account for racial biased behaviours and extend its scope to a better understanding of the development of racial prejudice in childhood. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The expressions of racism in western societies are becoming progressively more subtle and less overtly negative than they were in the early 20th century, mainly due to normative pressures regarding the universal values of equal rights. However, there is extensive evidence for the persistence of both explicit and indirect forms of prejudice against racialized minority groups in these societies (e.g., Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Katz & Hass, 1988; Kinder & Sears, 1981; McConahay & Hough, 1976; Pereira, Vala & Costa-Lopes, 2010; Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995), suggesting that more research is needed in order to establish both the contexts and the processes that can favour one or the other pattern of interracial encounters (e.g., Crandall & Eshleman, 2003; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Jost, Banaji & Nosek, 2004). Regarding children, although past literature argued in favour of a general cognitive-developmental model that would account for a reduction of intergroup bias in White children after the age of seven (e.g. Aboud, 1988, 2005; Yee & Brown, 1992), more recent research has found that intergroup bias may persist at that age (e.g. Baron & Banaji, 2006; Fitzroy & Rutland, 2010). This latter finding seems to be due to the importance of egalitarian social norms maximally relevant to regulate older children’s prejudiced behaviours (Rutland, Killen & Abrams, 2010). Indeed, research has shown that, with age, children can comply with those egalitarian norms and control their attitudes and behaviours. Differently, when attitudes of these children were assessed in an implicit or indirect way, intergroup bias became manifest (Rutland, Cameron, Milne & McGeorge, 2005). However, research has not shown how children, similar to adults (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2004), can use ambiguous normative contexts as justifications for prejudiced behaviours and how these effects may be moderated by age.

The current research aims to show that, from middle childhood on, White children may go on to display racial biased attitudes toward Black children, although they will express them in a subtle and indirect way. In two experimental studies, we tested two fundamental assumptions underlying the research on aversive racism: (i) in contexts in which it is possible to find a justification unrelated to the target’s ethnicity to explain a prejudiced response, White children may display intergroup biased behaviour and (ii) the anti-prejudice normative salience can counteract the expression of intergroup biased behaviour in public/accountable, but not in private conditions, and more in older than in younger children. We particularly seek to investigate the role of the anti-prejudice norm’s salience on the emergence of aversive intergroup bias in childhood. We predict that, after the age of seven, White children express, similarly to adults, either blatant or veiled forms of racism according to normatively justifiable and/or non-accountable conditions and that before this age, they will present more simple forms of blatant ethnocentric intergroup behaviour across justification and accountability conditions. In this sense, our goal is to better understand the course of development of this process in White children and what role anti-racism norms can play on the regulation of aversive prejudiced behaviours against an ethnic minority.

*Correspondence to: Dalila Xavier de França, Department of Psychology, Federal University of Sergipe, Sergipe State, Brazil.

E-mail: dalilafranca@uol.com.br

Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Received 15 July 2012, Accepted 29 April 2013

This study was conducted in Brazil, a country with a long history of miscegenation and a tradition of racial integration, where Blacks, Indians and Whites live in the same geographic areas and share a largely common culture. We may thus suppose that prevailing contact conditions will favour positive interracial relations. In this regard, Turra and Venturi (1995) observed in their study, with a representative sample of Brazilian population, that almost 90% of participants say that they are not racists. However, the same percentage stated that Brazilians are racists. These results indicate that Brazilians are aware that racism is wrong, although they recognize that racism exists in their country. Other studies show the effects of anti-racism norms in the expression of prejudice in Brazil (see Lima, 2007; França & Lima, 2011, for a review).

 

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